E 458 
2 
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Copy 1 T^N. PERHAM'S PLATFORM. 



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MOST FEASIBLE PLAN YET OFFERED 



SUPPRESSING THE REBELLION. 



''(Sob glcss S^huljcim fiucolit." 



BOSTON: 
PRESS OF ALFRED MUDGE & SON, 34 SCHOOL STREET. 

1862. 






^0 ibc ^i^oplc of tbc Wimkii States jof ^.mcrka : 

Soon after the Presidential election in 1860, I was in Wasli- 
inuton and remained there until after the inauguration of 
President Lincoln, and saw the disaffection and disloyalty of 
Southern Senators and Representatives, — I heard their speeches 
on their retirement from Congress to return home to tlieir 
people, to join them in mutiny and open rebellion. They 
declared, in the n.ost strong and positive terms, that they had 
severed their connection with the United States forever — that 
they would never come back, that we could not conquer them 
in any other way than to exterminate them. 

I watcned anxiously the loyal Senators and Representatives, 
to see what action they would take. I urged upon them the 
propriet}" of arresting those traitor Senators and Represen- 
tatives, and hanging them before they left AVashington ; when 
the traitor Commissioners from South Carolina came to Wash- 
ington to treat with the Government, I urged President 
Buchanan through members of Congress, to seize and hang 
them at once, as Gen. Jackson would if he had been at the 
helm of the ship of State, and the people would have sus. 
taincd him in the act. 

Mr. Buchanan would not do his duty; neither would the loyal 
Senators and Representatives do anything to stop the progress 
of the rebellion, which convinced me that they were not 
aware of the extent of disloyal disaffection, nor of its increasing 
power — tlicy said the threats of the disloyal members of Con" 
gross were to frighten them to give such legislation as they 



asked — that the true way was to take no notice of their move- 
ment, and that they would all come back in three months, 
except South Carolina which they wished to remain out longer. 

As time went on, matters grew worse and worse. State 
after State left the Union. President Buchanan seemed to be 
wholly under the control of traitors. Repeated threats of the 
southern rebellious leaders, Senators and officials were made at 
Washington that Mr. Lincoln, President elect, should not be 
inaugurated. I immediately made a communication to all the 
loyal State Legislatures that convened at their respective 
Capitals in January 1861, stating the alarming situation of 
public affairs, and requesting them to offer forthwith the whole 
military force of their respective States to the Government, to 
hold and protect the public property and to cause the laws to 
be enforced, and I urged upon them to request the President to 
hang every traitor. 

I also commenced making timely arrangements with the 
railroads throughout the country to transport to Washington at 
excursion prices for tickets, one hundred thousand people, 
privately armed, that their presence might overawe the riotous 
and rebellious, and permit the inauguration of our chosen chief 
to take place. 

But the Government was informed by some traitor what I 
was doing with the railroads, and put a veto upon my plans. 
But by the loyalty of Gen, Scott's military arrangements, 
the inauguration took place. And let me say here that if the 
gentlemen having charge of the conveyance of Mr. Lincoln 
from Illinois to Washington, made him believe that it was 
necessary for him, if he wished to save his own life, to go from 
Harrisburg to Washington by way of Philadelphia in disguise, 
in the night, why could they not convince him when he was 
inaugurated, that if he wished to save the life of the Union, he 
should put forth the most prompt and vigorous effort to suppress 
the rebellion. But we did not see but little done until the 



capture of Fort Sumter — the President then called for 75,000 
men for three months, to put down the rebellion, and the call 
was responded to by a grand shout from the loyal people of 
the North. 

But it was evident to my mind that the President and Cabinet 
saw not the thick darkness of the cloud that was lowering 
around us ; that they were not aware of the rebellious power 
at work, and I immettiately wrote to Secretary Cameron that 
75,000 men were insufficient, and that a million of men should 
be raised for the duration of the war (and not for three 
months,) and marched south to protect the Capital, take and 
hold the Forts and other public property; quell the disturb- 
ance and crush out the unlioly rebellion. I advised that they 
be called at once ; and if it was not strictly lawful, that it 
was expedient and necessary, and Congress at its next session 
would approve the call and legalize the action of the Executive. 
The attack on the 6th Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers 
by the rebels on the 19th of April, at Baltimore, roused the 
patriotic lire of the people, and then had the million been called 
by the President they would have overcome and forever 
silenced the rebellion. 

The whole people of the North, East and West, were united 
to sustain the President, and men and money were ready, and 
it needed only a call from the President to place one million, or 
even two millions, volunteers in the field. 

I urged Secretary Cameron to adopt my views, and to let 
him know that I was in earnest, I proposed to raise one hun- 
dred thousand men and take the command of them and march 
South. I told Mr. Cameron that I had the energy and ability 
to do this, but if he did not sec fit to give a civilian such a 
position then to authorize me to raise the troops and appoint 
some military man to their command. 

Mr. Cameron replied that all volunteers must be raised 
through the State authorities. I then urged again that the 



6 

States be immediately called upon for at least one million men 
for the war. 

But the power, the resources and hostile energy of the South 
were not appreciated ; there was faith in the Union men of the 
South, which, with a mistaken idea of the abilit}" of the leading 
rebels, induced the Administration to put forth only a weak 
hand to quell the rebellion, and as the war progressed one call 
after another was made for troops. The promise to quell the 
rebellion in three months was not fulfilled. 

An extra session of Congress was called in July, 1861, and 
the whole action of that session showed weakness and a great 
want of appreciation of the true situation of affairs. 

Congressmen and editors were all " On for Richmond ; " they 
thought fifty or sixty thousand men could make their way there 
without serious opposition. 

The Senate of the United States allowed Mr. Breckinridge 
to hold his scat in that body and talk treason every day. 

Tlic defeat of the Union forces at Bull Bun on the 21st of 
July caused intense alarm throughout the North for the safety 
of the Capital. Gen. Scott, like a true man, took the blame of 
that disaster upon himself for allowing the advance to be made 
contrary to his own judgment, at the demand of politicians and 
before the army was properly disciplined and ofiicercd. 

The war has progressed up to this time. We have had vic- 
tories and defeats one after another, and to-day the rebellion is 
more formidable, and the great work of restoring the Union 
and a lasting peace looks further from accomplishment than it 
did twelve months ago. 

The lives and treasure of the people have been freely given 
to the country, and the acceptance of more men and greater 
meaiio have been constantly urged upon the Administration; yet 
they were not accepted, and the desired success of our cause is 
delayed. 

Tiie party that elevated Mr. Lincoln, although having a large 



majority in both houses of Congress has failed througli the fal- 
tering policy and iinappreciative views of its leaders to render 
that support to the Administration and that service to the coun- 
try -wliich a loyal and enlightened people had the right to expect. 
Had the leading Congressmen appreciated the vital f^ct that 
they were the representatives of a united people, who were 
prosecuting war with a single purpose, and had given an honest, 
energetic and unqualified support to the President, if the rebel- 
lion had not already been successfully quelled (as I think it 
might have been), we should not, at this time, witness the alarm- 
ing and disgraceful spectacle of party strife in the loyal States. 
Unfortunately they did not comprehend the necessity of rising 
from partisans to patriots, and their course has seemed to be a 
struggle to sec who should press the most imbecile war policy, 
whose favorite general should have this or that important com- 
mand, and whose political friend should have the largest con- 
tract. As a direct and damaging consequence the people are 
losing confidence, and becoming dissatisfied and discouraged at 
the conduct of the war. 

The rebel sympathisers and agents in the North are then at 
last furnished with the opportunity they have so long hoped for 
and predicted, viz, the division of the sentiment of the North, 
and they are exerting an earnestness and vigor — known in this 
country alone to rebels — in creating dissensions and new par- 
tics, with opinions at utter variance in regard to the manner of 
prosecutiug the war. 

It may be truly said that the rebels have succeeded in caus- 
ing a division of sentiment in the North ; and it may be as 
truly said that those whose business it was to prevent such a 
calamity unpatriotically failed. ^ 

A divided North, at the outset, was the expectation of the 
rebels ; it failed then, to their great surprise and disgust. 
Divided now, they feel certain of securing their independence. 
They dream not of compromise ; yet their sympathizers here 



talk compromise. It can never be. There can be no compro- 
mise made with them — thej said so at first ; they will say so 
now ; they would not, and will not, accept anything short of 
their unconditional independence. They meant wliat they 
said, they mean it now, and whoever says a compromise can be 
made with them to return to the Union, now or ever, is either 
a traitor at heart, or is strangely ignorant of the Southern 
character. 

It is time for us to determine tJiat the rebellion must and shall 
he put down, and the Union rc-esfahlished. 

It is time for us to determine and re-determine that we will 
unitedly support the President of the United States, in all his 
efforts to suppress the rebellion, whether he is right or wrong. 

It is time for us to re-determine that the President ought to 
u-e every effort, every power and every faculty that God has 
given him, to crush the rebellion in tlie quickest and most vig- 
orous manner; and when the war is ended, and the Union re- 
established, if it is found that the Constitution is injured, then 
will be time enough to repair and make it good. 

The rebellion must be put down, or it will put the Govern- 
ment and whole North down ; — the rebellion must be put down 
by force, even if the work shall demand and accomplish the 
destruction of the entire rebellious States. 

Our array is already large, and well officered, and yet the 
work lingers, and human life and the nation's treasure is con- 
tantly sacrificed. 

It is time to strike the effectual blow, which has been delayed 
too long, and the quicker it is done the fewer homes will be 
left desolate, bereft of fathers, brothers, husbands and sons. 

In addition to this vast army, in order to re-unite the loyal 
people of the North in the most vigorous efforts to encourage 
and support the President, and to bring the war to a successful 
termination, in the shortest possible time, I suggest an addi- 
tional force. 



I propose that the President call for one million and 
a half more volunteers, making the entire army to number 
two and a half millions strong, of able-bodied men between 
the ages of 18 and 70 years; to be enlisted for the 
duration of the war, unless sooner discharged, to be armed, 
equipped, furnished with all needed supplies, and transported 
to the disloyal districts or States, to be called the army or 
armies of occupation of the rebel States. That they go to 
conquer and occupy tlie land to be possessed. 

I propose that as they succeed iu conquering thu rebels, the 
lands and property of whatever name or description taken or 
captured shall be considered lawfully the lands and properties 
of the United States, to be held or sold with the exception of 
the slaves of rebels, who are to be free, and the proceeds of the 
lands and properties, thereof to be divided among the soldiers 
and officers, in the same ratio that the proceeds of sales of 
vessels captured by our navy, are divided among the sailors and 
officers, and that the soldiers and officers of the army of occu- 
pation are to receive no other pay or bounties. 

The officers and soldiers of the present army may join in 
the army of capture and occupation and share in the benefits 
to be obtained, on the same terms, that is, without the regular 
pay as soldiers ; and the slaves of the rebels captured and free 
colored people who shall flock to the Union standard and fight 
and work under its banners, shall be paid from the proceeds 
such sum as Congress shall direct. The intention being to 
seize and appropriate the whole disloyal territory. 

The Union men in the disloyal territory shall be protected in 
their property, and if the slaves are taken from them they shall 
receive from Government a fair renumeration. In addition to 
holding their own property they may enlist in the Union array 
of occupation and help to exterminate the rebels and seize the 
rebel property, and share iu the proceeds thereof. 

The soldiers in the Confederate army who have been forced 



10 

to fight the Union forces contrary to tlieir wishes, may enlist in 
the Union army of occupation on the same terms with the 
otliers, that the rebel territory, and property except that held 
by Union men, may be settled and improved by loyal men, 
who will sustain the American flag, and maintain and defend 
the Government under which we have prospered since our 
fathers gave it to us in charge. 

The rebellion having been crushed and peace restored, I pro- 
pose that extensive arrangements be made for emigration from 
all the North, East and West, and that the industry of the Old 
World be permitted to come and purchase and enjoy the land : 
and in three years time the emigrants who would be settled 
there, together with the soldiers who remain, would comprise a 
loyal people, greatly outnumbering the present disloyal popula- 
tion of those States. 

That would open those fertile regions to the industry of the 
world, the mechanic arts would be cultivated, the church, the 
school house would rise in every town, and there would be 
peace, progress and enjoyment where now is oppression and 
privation, rebellion and the evils it produces. 

In this way the rebellion can be destroyed, and the union of 
the States be cemented in bonds never more to be shaken, and 
there shall be peace over all the land, 

A just and equitable provision shall be made for colonizing 
the colored population in the rebel territory, and for emigra- 
tion of the free colored people of the North to the South. Let 
certain of the Cotton States be set apart for a home for the 
people of color forever. 

A just and equitable provision shall also be made for the 
women and children of those rebels who have been hung or 
banished from the country. 

The rebels themselves have forfeited all right and claim to 
the protection of the constitution and laws, except to one end of 
a rope; but I would recommend Government to be merciful 



II 

to such rebels as report of their evil deeds, and strive to become 
honest and loyal citizens. 

It will be impossible in this short address to enter into all 
the details necessary to carry out so vast an enterprise j the 
outlines are merely given ; but I would recommend that the 
lands be divided among the soldiers of the army of occupation 
so that every soldier can have a farm, and everj^ poor southerner 
that joins our army can become a land owner, and if the Govern- 
ment and people will honestly and earuestlj adopt this plan, the 
details can be arranged, and a bill drawn up covering the whole 
ground, and passed by Congress during the first ten days of the 
session in December. The men can be put into the field, and 
the rebellion be wound up in twelve months. Can the people 
be aroused, and waked up to adopt this, the only feasible plan 
now offered for conquering a peace with the rebels ? Is not 
our glorious Union worth a united effort from all its people to 
save it from destruction ? Then unitedly call upon the Presi- 
dent and Congress to adopt and carry out this plan. Offer the 
President anew your services, and all you have, to aid him in 
conquering the most gigantic rebellion that ever existed. The 
President needs your sympathy, and your prayers to God to 
give him wisdom and power to direct aright the affairs of the 
nation. 

I pledge myself to do all that one man can do to aid the 
President. I will arrange with the railroads for tickets at 
excursion prices for all who emigrate to settle in the conquered 
territory, I will bring to my aid the commercial fleet of our 
own country to transport passengers and supplies, — the com- 
mercial fleets of the Old World will also be put in requisition, 
and emigration and gold will flow to us in unprecedented num- 
bers and quantities ^ instead of being poor as we shall be if we 
allow the country to be destroyed, in five years we shall be the 
richest country on the globe, and every man that belonged to 
the Army of Occupation of the rebel States will become rich. 



12 



LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 



iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiii 

012 028 241 4' 



I ^k the loyal press of the United States to lay this project 
before the people and urge its adoption. I reasonably ask the 
loyal press and all the loyal people to urge the President to 
the most powerful and vigorous efforts to bring this war to a 
successful termination. Say to him that you have full faith in 
his honesty and ability, and that you will support him in his 
efforts to save the country, whether he is in all things right or 
wrong. 

Our country united forever ! God bless Abraham Lincoln 1 
God bless ihe uncondit'^nal hipporters of Abraham Lincoln! 

JOSIAH PERHAM. 



Boston, Massachusetts, October, 30th, 1862, 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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